And against freedom-killing laws. I went into Paris yesterday afternoon, my first time in the city in almost a month, to attend this all-important demo. The Paris Prefecture of Police had initially banned it—ostensibly for sanitary reasons, France being under lockdown (confinement) since October 30th, though which has been “lightened up” (allégé) beginning this weekend—but with an administrative court annulling the interdiction late Friday. Given the explosive political context, though, the demo would have happened anyway, banning or not. The context is the government’s proposed law (Proposition de loi relative à la sécurité globale), currently under debate in the parliament, that would further reinforce the surveillance powers of the police (notably via drones) and, in the bill’s now infamous article 24, criminalize the Internet posting of photos and videos taken—by journalists or ordinary citizens—of the police going about their work—even when that work involves brutalizing people just for the hell of it. This is seemingly the umpteenth initiative by the right-lurching Emmanuel Macron—who we were led to believe was an American-style liberal during his presidential election run—to further constrict civil liberties—and with his Minister of Interior, the unambiguously right-wing Gérald Darmanin, playing the Top Cop with particular zealousness. Darmanin, an early defector from the LR party to Macron’s République en Marche and whom Macron appointed to the Place Beauvau in July, was/is a protégé of Nicolas Sarkozy, in both political orientation and personal ambition, which is as much as one needs to know about his views on the police and law-and-order. The proposed law (and its article 24) is his œuvre (and Macron’s obviously).
On the matter of civil liberties—of their being undermined—this is the law too many. If it passes, it will confirm that France is on a truly alarming political trajectory (for an elaboration on this in English, see James McAuley in The Washington Post, Adam Nossiter in The New York Times, Mira Kamdar in The Atlantic, and Art Goldhammer in Tocqueville 21. [UPDATE: Also see Cole Stangler in Jacobin and Jeremy Harding in the London Review of Books]). In an interview in Le Monde dated Nov. 26th, the prominent Paris lawyer Patrice Spinosi—who pleads before the Conseil d’État and Cour de Cassation—asserted that, with this proposed law on sécurité globale, a future “Trump à la française“—who could possibly be elected President of the Republic in 2022 (and we know who she would be)—would have the legal framework already in place to impose major restrictions on civil liberties and political opposition.
Journalists and media organs across the political spectrum—and that includes the right—have been up in arms over the proposed law, with rallies organized in front of the National Assembly on Nov. 17th and at Trocadéro on Nov. 21st. Then last Monday night there was the brutal police action against the migrant camp that had been set up that day at the Place de la République—of desperate refugees and asylum-seekers (Afghans and Eritreans the largest contingents) who have been wandering the streets without shelter for months, and for whom the authorities are doing nothing—which even minister Darmanin claimed to find “shocking.” If it hadn’t been for the videos of the police action posted on the Internet, of course, there wouldn’t have been a story. And then there was the beating of Michel Zecler—of the gratuitous violence of the police and with racism thrown in, and their brazen lies to their hierarchical superiors about it—that was revealed on Twitter last Thursday, and which was the nº 1 story on the news for two days running. Again, if it hadn’t been for videos posted on social media (if one hasn’t seen them, go here and here) there would not only have been no story but Michel Zecler is the one who would have found himself in trouble—on a trumped-up charge of outrage à agent public—and not the four police functionaries, who will most certainly be severely sanctioned. With Macron, Darmanin, and just about everyone in the political class saying how revulsed and shocked they are—shocked, I tell you!—by the violence visited upon Michel Zecler—as if the French police haven’t been doing this kind of thing often and since forever—they will thus want the four flics to be held out to dry pour l’exemple. And the flics are indeed in very hot water.
I don’t participate in demos much but decided yesterday morning that I would this one. The last one I went to—to observe but finally participate in—was the November 10, 2019, march against Islamophobia, the turnout for which was some 15,000 (deemed a success; I posted pics of it on Facebook at the time, which may be viewed here if one is interested). According to the Ministry of Interior, some 46,000 attended yesterday’s march—which means it was likely more than that—making it a big success, particularly in view of the pandemic and ongoing limitations on movement linked to the confinement. It was the lead story on the evening news, which is not common for demos in Paris (demos being a banal occurrence in this city).
The rendez-vous for the demo was Place de la République at 2:00 PM, with the destination Place de la Bastille. A classic route for marches of the left (I doubt the right has ever, even once in history, had a manif in this part of the city). I went straight to Bastille, arriving around 3:30, to meet the head of the march as it proceeded down Avenue Beaumarchais. Here are pics I took, with commentary.
The people heading toward the march from this direction were clearly not at the République and, so it appeared, had their own motives for wanting to meet up with it.
Something is on fire up ahead, with billows of black smoke and periodic explosions. I couldn’t see what it was but figured it was a car or motorcycle that had been torched. The demonstration up ahead, that was heading down the avenue, was clearly blocked. There was no movement for at least 15 minutes.
The explosions continued but I couldn’t see what they were or where they were coming from.
The smoke got thicker and was stinging my eyes. People started heading back toward Bastille as the stinging worsened, which I then realized was tear gas, which the police were lobbing from the side streets. I last experienced tear gas 30 years ago, in Algeria, but this was stronger. Really unpleasant. People around me had vials of eye drops, which they were applying, signifying that they were familiar with it and had come prepared. When the tear gas dissipated, I turned around and headed back up the avenue.
It was clear that a lot of those heading up from Bastille were black blocs, who show up at demonstrations for the reasons they always do: to smash, vandalize, and clash with the police . Many of them were chanting “tout le monde déteste la police!” (everyone hates the police!). I don’t like the black bloc much myself, to put it mildly.
I texted my wife, who was up ahead in the regular procession, that there was a sale ambiance (an unpleasant ambiance) on this end.
Anarchists.
“They kill, they wound, they mutilate: Disarm the police!”
RAI (Italy). The foreign media was present in number.
The movie ‘The Battle of Algiers’ would (presumably) be censored under the proposed law (I don’t know about that),
There were a number of signs in English.
“On étouffe” (I can’t breathe!).
It was indeed a motorcycle that had been torched.
The CGT service d’ordre. When it comes to demos, no organization in the world does them more professionally than the CGT.
Mariem, a.k.a. my wife, with her SNJ-CGT comrades.
Black bloc idiots have set more fires.
Trade unions (with journalist affiliates) were present but not the parties of the parliamentary left (PS, EELV, LFI, PCF), at least not under their own banners. If politicians came, it was as individuals, and as everyone was wearing a mask (I only noticed one person who had no mask on at all), it wasn’t easy to recognize people.
“Legalize all undocumented migrants.”
If there was a sale ambiance on the margins of the march, it was the opposite in the main procession. E.g. one of the sound trucks played The Black Eyed Peas, with people rocking to the tune.
Voilà a sizable contingent of activists of the NPA (Nouveau Parti Anticapitaliste), known until 2009 as the Ligue Communiste Révolutionnaire, which was one of the principal constituents of French Trotskyism (though that doctrinal reference is now in the past). The LCR/NPA has long had a high profile on the extreme left. In a manifestly choreographed sequence, they all sat down in unison to a musical chant from the sound truck and them chanting along, then all jumped up cheering. Black blocs they are not.
I find these politicized young people gratifying. The NPA is not where I’m at politically but it was when I was in my late teens-early 20s. (Disclosure: I briefly flirted with the idea of joining the LCR’s American Trotskyist counterpart, the SWP, back in 1976 and voted for its candidate in the US presidential election that year).
“Drones everywhere, liberty nowhere.”
“Who is protecting us from the police?”
“All [sic] queers hate the state.”
Libertarian Communist Union. An oxymoron?
1st round of the 2017 presidential election, 54% of the police voted for Marine Le Pen. (It’s true).
Looking toward Bastille from the tail end of the march. It’s 5:15.
Cleaning up.
Heading toward République, I came by a gathering of young people listening to live music. This is a trendy part of the city and with an active night life, but with the bars and restaurants closed, it is to be expected that spontaneous gatherings like this will happen.
Cops arrived and gestured to the gathering that they needed to disperse, though it was readily apparent that was not going to happen.
The cops did the right thing and moved on themselves.
Place de la République. 5:45 PM.
They came for the Muslims, then the “gilets jaunes”, who’s next? If the French do not wake up now, they won’t have any right to lament when it is too late. At this stage the far-right is the clear winner in France.
Be safe